Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard are still under house arrest and there is no information regarding their wellbeing. Since Mir Hossein Mousavi is a former prime minister a protection team had been assigned to protect him according to the law but in recent days all members of Mir Hossein Mousavi’s protection team were dismissed and security forces have replaced them. Few days ago the daughters of Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard told Jaras website that they have absolutely no information from their parents and a van that has blocked the entrance to the alley where Mousavi’s residence is located prevented them from entering the alley and visiting their parents. They told Jaras that all communication means of their parents have been disconnected and they are very worried about the wellbeing of them.
Mir Hossein Mousavi and Dr. Zahra Rahnavard’s house arrest that began during the February 14th, 2011 rallies [in support of the people of Egypt and Tunisia] went into full force two days later. The limited communication with Mousavi and Rahnavard was cut off as of February 16th and there is currently absolutely no news regarding their well being. It is also worth mentioning that their bodyguards have now been dismissed and replaced with government security forces.
The area housing Mousavi’s bodyguards (located next to his residence) has been taken over by new security forces and the [government] institution(s) with which these new security forces are affiliated with remains unclear. All pf Mousavi’s former bodyguards have been dismissed, their whereabouts unknown. The guard house long situated at the entrance to the alley leading to their residence is now empty and no longer guarded.
It has also been reported that the entrance to the dead-end Akhtar alley on Pasteur Street where Mr. Mousavi’s house is located has been blocked with a parked van situated in between the two guard houses, making it impossible for anyone to pass from either side.
Eye witnesses reported that individuals in the van are wearing special masks [designed to protect against air pollution] that cover their faces. Anyone trying to enter Akhtar street is immediately interrogated by individuals who come out of the van. The tinted windows make it impossible to see within the van.
Mousavi’s daughters who until now have had daily contact with their parents either by phone or in person, despite extensive efforts have been unable to contact them. They have absolutely no news on their parents’ condition and have been prevented by security officers from approaching the residence. Although the security officers situated in the vicinity of Mousavi’s residence have informed his daughters that their orders to surround and guard Mousavi’s house come directly from the prosecutor, they have nevertheless refused to provide any type of identification, ruling or official document confirming these claims.
Although it is currently not possible to estimate the exact number of security forces deployed in the streets around Mousavi’s residence, it has been reported that a large number of security officers have been scattered in the area. It is worth mentioning that the street sweepers on Pasteur street have been seen speaking to the individuals inside the van and are covertly taking pictures of individuals approaching the alley.
The scene around Mousavi and Rahnavard’s residence has been described as highly concerning by informed sources. Given that their food in the past few days has been provided by security officers, the ambiguity regarding this matter is adding to the concerns. Additionally, according to various news sources Mousavi’s house has been under attack in the past few days. It is worth mentioning that these attacks have taken place despite the fact that Pasteur street and the narrow alley leading to Mousavi’s residence happen to be secure zones and individuals are prohibited from entering the area without a permit. The question that remains unanswered is how these rouge groups have gained access to an area known for housing highly specific government agencies and IRGC offices and whether those who issued the permits to these rouge groups will continue to enable them to preform even more absurd and dangerous acts. Who ordered Mousavi’s bodyguards to be dismissed? Why was the guard at the guardhouse at the entrance to his alley removed from his post? In the absence of his bodyguards, is it not possible that other dangerous plans are being designed [against Mousavi and Rahnavard]? These are but a few questions that remain unanswered at this time.
It is worth mentioning that contact with Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard had become exceedingly more difficult over the past six to seven months. Except for a few rare occasions and in order to visit with his old and ailing father, Mousavi in particular was no longer allowed to leave his residence. In addition, many of those who visited with Mousavi over the past few months were interrogated and arrested. Although the restrictions on Zahra Rahnavard have also significantly increased over the past few months, as a result of her persistence and personal initiatives, she was able to remove many obstacles and meet with and provided solace to the families of those suffering from the events that occurred after last year’s rigged elections and in particular the families of political prisoners and martyrs of the green movement.
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